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ROLLENHAGEN, Georg (1542-1609). Froschmeuseler. Der Frösch und Meuse wunderbare Hoffhaltunge / Der fröhlichen auch zur Weyßheit / und Regimenten erzogenen Jugend / zur anmutigen aber ser nützlichen Leer / […] Magdeburg, Andreas Gehne, 1596.

8vo (160x92 mm). [400] leaves. Collation: A-Ddd8. The final leaf is a blank. Title printed in red and black with a vignette in the center partly and 16 small woodcuts in the text (two repeated, one full page). Contemporary flexible vellum (slightly soiled and rubbed). Donation note on the front pastedown dated 13 June 1596, manuscript monogram on the title page. Slightly browned and foxed, more heavily at places, small corner tear to title page, all in all a good, genuine copy. Extremely rare first edition of this didactic-humoristic animal epic, a most singular and remarkable work of German literature between the sixteenth-century and the Baroque period. The work is dedicated to the learned Heinrich Rantzau (1526-1599), then the king of Denmark’s representative in the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. As Rollenhagen points to on several occasions, the work was written for the learned male youth: “Und ihr junge lustige Knaben / Die lust zu ehrbar kurtzweil haben.” (leaf C4v), and summarizes his intention: “Damit im schertz die gute Leer / Bey der Jugend schaff desto mehr ”(leaf C4v) (cf. O. Brunken, Georg Rollenhagens ‘Froschmeuseler’ – ein späthumanistisches dikaktisches Tierepos für die Jugend des gebildeten ‘Mittelstandes’, in: “Schiefertafel”, 5, 1982, pp. 46-73). In 1566, when Rollenhagen still was a student at Wittenberg, he had heard Veit Ortel’s lecture on the pseudo-Homeric Batrachomyomachia and made a first attempt at a German version. Nearly thirty years later his magnum opus was accomplished and bore little resemblance to the Greek original (who has 305 lines, whereas the Froschmeuseler has over 20,000). The work is divided into three books, the first of which deal with the individual in the society, the second the ideal constitution of a state and the relationship between state and church (here is included a sharp polemic against popery), and the third deals with international relationships, especially war and peace (cf. R. Richter, Georg Rollenhagens Froschmeuseler: Ein rhetorisches Meisterstück, Bern, 1975, p. 61). Rollenhagen did not intend his work to be simply an allegorical polemic. He also conceived it to be an antidote to and a weapon against the Volksbücher as the “weytbrümbter Eulenspiegel / oder auch andere Schandbücher / der Pfaff von Kalenberg / Ratziporus, Rollwagen / etc.” (leaf A8r). He wanted to tell the truth to the world, laughingly, since the world did not seem to care for truth seriously written. The immense pile of fable, proverb, tale, and anecdote woven into the plot proper is shown by the sources he enumerated, which go from the Reinecke Fuchs and Fischart’s Flöh Hatz to the Indian Panchatantra (Büch der bÿspel der alten wÿsen, Urach, ca. 1480). The Froschmeuseler was an immediate success, was reprinted many times (1596, 1600, 1608, 1615, 1616, 1618, 1621, 1627, 1637, and 1683) and knew several adaptations and abridged versions. It satisfied, seemingly, a yearning by the German-reading people for a long, comprehensive, poetic work which gave aesthetic pleasure and was also didactic. Rollenhagen was one of the first of the literati to employ the German Language in such a work and produced a true expression of the German national character, an ingenuous expression of the fatherland as is found in Johann Fischart, Burkhard Waldis, and a very few others in the sixteenth century. However, the historic contribution of the Froschmeuseler is that Rollenhagen related his comic poem to the world affairs and the political struggles of his time. The Froschmeuseler is not only an instructive work on morals, virtue, or religion, but also an anticipation of the political didacticism of the German Baroque in the seventeenth century. Georg Rollenhagen was born in Bernau near Berlin. Despite the adversities of a sickly youth and the early loss of his father, he was able to obtain a brilliant scholarly and literary career. He attended school at Prenzlau, Mansfeld, and Magdeburg. From 1560 to 1563 he studied at the University of Wittenberg, and then was appointed rector of the Johannisschule in Halberstadt. He returned to Wittenberg to earn a master’s degree in philosophy in 1567, and in the same year became prorector of the ‘Gymnasium’ in Madgeburg. There he spent the rest of his life. Under his direction the Magdeburg ‘Gymnasium’ became the foremost ‘Gelehrtenschule’ in Germany. Rollenhagen’s literary production goes far beyond the Froschmeuseler, so he produced several dramas, Abraham (1569), Tobias (1576), and Vom reichen Manne und armen Lazaro (1590), German translations of some of Terence’s comedies (1592), two short rhymed chronicles Der Hinckende Both (1589) and Der Post Reutter (1590), a collection of fables, Alte Newe Zeitung von der Welt Lauff (1592), and a sermon on the Ascesion (1592) (cf. E. Sobel, Georg Rollenhagen, Sixteenth Century Playwright, Pedagogue, and Pulicist, in: “Publications of the Modern Language Association of America”, 70, 1955, pp. 762-780). VD 16, R-2964; T. Brüggemann & O. Brunken, Handbuch zur Kinder- und Jugendliteratur. Von 1570 bis 1750, Stuttgart, 1991, cols. 843-874 and 1744-1746, no. 722; G. Dünnhaupt, Personalbibliographien zu den Drucken des Barock, Stuttgart, 1991, V, no. 13.1.


03.09.2026 - 09:26

5000,- EUR

Govi Rare Books LLC

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CONTILE, Luca (1505-1574). Ragionamento di Luca Contile sopra la proprietà delle imprese con le particolari de gli Academici Affidati et con le interpretationi et croniche. Pavia, Girolamo Bartoli, 1574.

Folio (349x230 mm). [6], 1-43, [1], 44-161 [recte 162], [1] leaves. Collation: *6 A-Z4 Aa-Pp4 Qq4(-Qq4) Rr8. The final quire was added later, so the previously final leaf Qq4 was excised, and its content (register, errata, and table) was reprinted on the recto and verso of leaves Rr1 and Rr8, respectively. A few other leaves were sometimes cancelled, in this copy leaves S1-2, Aa4, Bb3, Cc1, Hh4 and Mm4 appear to be cancels. Roman type, 54 lines plus headline. Engraved title page, woodcut initials, woodcut printer’s device above colophon on l. Rr8r. Leaf Rr8v is a blank. With 116 engraved illustrations in the text, the first of which is full page and unnumbered, and depicts the device of Philip II of Spain, to whom the work is dedicated; the remaining half-page illustrations show the devices of the Accademia degli Affidati and its members. The illustrations are set within elaborate and elegant borders and bear both the motto and the academic name of the owner of the emblem. Contemporary vellum, modern buckram drop-backed box (traces of ties, binding crinkled and somewhat worn, spine slightly torn with old repairs at ends, front hinge repaired). Old manuscript note at the foot of the text on l. 82r, another note on l. 86r. Title-page somewhat soiled, gutter of the title-page reinforced, occasional staining throughout, a few quires slightly browned, occasional offsetting, repaired tear in Cc1, a few small round wormholes towards end. A very good, tall copy with some deckle edges. Provenance: W.D. Worthington, bookplate; Kerr & Richardson, Glasgow, bookseller’s label at end; T. Kimball Brooker (Bibliotheca Brookeriana, VIII, lot 95). Original edition of this lavishly printed emblem book divided into two parts. The first part (ll. 1-43), after briefly discussing medals and hieroglyphics, deals with devices from a theoretical point of view by raising specific questions. The author, who demonstrates to be well aware of his predecessors’ writings on the subject (citing, among others, Paradin, Giovio, Domenichi, Ruscelli, Ammirato, and Arnigio), distinguishes between crests, coat-of-arms, hieroglyphics, emblems, and devices, seeking to define how the latter differ from the former: the device, which in his opinion is “componimento di figura e di motto rappresentando vertuoso e magnanimo disegno” (‘a composition of figure and motto representing a virtuous and magnanimous design’), is only suitable for virtuous characters and not for “li tinti d’infamia et i professori dell’arti meccaniche, eccettuati gl’ingegneri che stanno a’ servigi de’ principi, i pittori eccellenti e gli statuarii famosi” (‘those tainted with infamy and those practicing mechanical arts, except for engineers who are in the service of princes, excellent painters, and famous sculptors’). The second part, on the other hand, is a veritable tribute to the members of the Accademia degli Affidati, whose devices are extensively commented on and enriched with numerous biographical details. The devices include that of Contile himself (l. 83), in which he provides valuable information about his life, and that of San Carlo Borromeo (l. 86). Towards the end of April 1574, the printing of Contile’s Ragionamento was finally completed, and on August 23, he sent a copy of the newly printed book to the Duke of Parma, informing him that the edition had been ready for four months and, complaining about the quality of the printing, he was hoping for a second edition, which, however, never appeared. The publication had also been delayed by discussions arose among the members of the Accademia degli Affidati regarding its authorship, with some wanting the Ragionamento to be printed in the name of the Accademia, and others wanting it to be published solely under the name of its compiler; the latter party prevailed. Contile’s treatise is considered the most accomplished, and certainly the most useful for the history of the genre. Furthermore, the second part is quite significant as a collection of biographical and genealogical information on the various members of the academy, almost all of which was diligently obtained by Contile through direct or indirect communication with the members themselves or their associates. And so the Ragionamento, as well as being a theoretical and practical book on the genre of devices, can also be considered as a sort of directory to the members of the Pavia academy, with information that we often cannot obtain elsewhere (cf. Abd-el-Kader Salza, Luca Contile. Uomo di lettere e di negozi del secolo XVI, Florence, 1903 (repr. Rome, 2007), pp. 234-239). The Accademia degli Affidati, founded in 1562 on the initiative of Giacomo Berretta, who was its first Prince, and of Counts Galeazzo Beccaria and Ottaviano Langosco, “is undoubtedly a source of pride for the city of Pavia and an irrefutable proof of the favor accorded to scholars of science and literature” (M. Maylender, Storia delle Accademie d’Italia, Bologna, 1926, I, pp. 76-77). The members of the academy used to meet first at the university building, then at the monastery of S. Pietro in Ciel d’Oro in Cittadella, and finally, for many years, they wandered from house to house. Luca Contile, born in Cetona (Val di Chiana), studied at Siena and Bologna, where he attended the lessons of Ludovico Boccadiferro. Afterwards he entered the service of cardinal Agostino Trivulzio at Rome, where he got acquainted among others with Annibal Caro, Francesco Maria Molza, and Gandolfo Porrino. In 1541 he accompanied the cardinal to Lucca for the entry of Emperor Charles V. A year later he moved to Milan to offer his services to Alfonso d'Avalos, marquis of Vasto. At his court Contile became familiar with Pietro Aretino, Paolo Giovio, Girolamo Muzio, and Giulio Camillo. In the summer of 1545 he travelled with his patron through Germany. When Alfonso died in 1546, his widow Maria d'Aragona moved the court to Naples and Contile followed her to Ischia. But, as soon as 1548, he was again in Milan at the service of Ferrante Gonzaga and his wife Isabella di Capua. For them he undertook several missions to Poland and southern Italy. Between 1552 and 1557 Contile served as secretary to Cristoforo Madruzzo, Cardinal of Trent. After a brief employment at Ottavio Farnese’s court, in 1558 he entered the service of Sforza Pallavicino and moved to Venice, where he met Francesco Patrizi, Girolamo Ruscelli, and Ludovico Dolce. After a short period of unemployment he finally found in 1562 a stable place in Pavia, where he spent the rest of life taking part in the literary activity of the Accademia degli Affidati under the nickname of ‘Il Guidato’. He died there in 1574. Contile was a very versatile writer and the author of comedies (Pescara, Cesarea, Trinozia), eclogues (Agia, Nice), poems (Rime, 1560), devotional dialogues (Dialoghi spirituali, 1543), and letters (Delle lettere, 1564) (cf. Abd-el-Kader Salza, Op. cit., pp. 1-102; see also R. Gigliucci, ed., Luca Contile da Cetona all’Europa, Atti del seminario di studi, Cetona 20-21 ottobre 2007, Manziana, 2009, passim). Edit 16, CNCE13187; Adams, C-2588; Mortimer, I, 136; M. Praz, Studies in seventeenth-century imagery, Rome, 1975, p. 307; J. Landwehr, French, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese books of devices and emblems, 1534-1827: a bibliography, Utrecht, 1976, 233; A.G. Cavagna, Libri e tipografi a Pavia nel Cinquecento, Milan, 1981, 407; Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense, Le edizioni del XVI secolo, I Le edizioni lombarde, Milan, 1981, 508.


03.09.2026 - 09:21

4800,- EUR

Govi Rare Books LLC

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HULAK, Mykola Ivanovich (1821-1899). Opyt geomtrii o chetyrekh izmereniakh. Geometriia sinteticheskaia (“An Essay on the Geometry of Four Dimensions. Synthetic Geometry”). Tiflis (Tbilisi), Tipographia S.G. Melikova, 1877.

8vo (250x165 mm). [6], 150, [4] pp. and one large folding plate with geometrical figures. Editor’s printed wrappers (worn, marginal paper loss, spine broken and roughly repaired). Some quires loose. A genuine copy preserved in a cloth box. Incredibly rare first and only edition of this pioneristic work on four-dimensional geometry. Mykola Ivanovich Hulak (or Nikolai Ivanovich Gulak or Goulak) was born in Warsaw in 1821 into a noble, but poor family from the Zolotonish district of the Poltava province. He spent his childhood and youth in the village of Mykolaivka, in the Kherson region. After graduating from the local gymnasium, he studied law at the University of Tartu in Estonia, graduating in 1844. From 1845 he served the Kiev governor-general as a translator and archaeographer. Hulak played an active part in the founding of the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood (cf. P.S. Goncharuk, The harbinger of friendship and cooperation of peoples: to the 180th anniversary of the birth of Cyril and Methodius M.I. Hulak, Kyiv, 2002). He belonged to the radical wing of the organization, which defended national-democratic ideals and the idea of a peasant revolution. He advocated the elimination of autocracy and serfdom, the abolition of estates, universal education, and the unification of Slavic people. In January 1847 he moved to St. Petersburg, where he was arrested in March for his political activism. During interrogation, he refused to testify or name any of the brotherhood’s members. He spent three years in the Shlisselburg Fortress, after which he was exiled to Perm. It was only 12 years later that he returned to Ukraine and began teaching. He taught geography and mathematics at the Russian-language lyceum in Odessa (1859-1861), history at the Kushnikov Women’s Institute in Kerch (1861-1862), mathematics at the Stavropol gymnasium (1862-1863), physics and cosmography at the Kutaisi Gymnasium (1863-1867), and mathematics, physics, Latin and Greek at the Tiflis Gymnasium (1867-1886). After retiring, he moved to the Azerbaijani city of Yelizavetpol (later Kirovabad, today Ganja), where he died. A street in that city is named after him. Hulak had been interested in mathematics even before the Brotherhood was founded. While in prison, he studied the subject and later carried out research primarily related to non-Euclidean geometries and four-dimensional space. In 1859, he published “Studies on Transcendental Equations” in Odessa, and in 1877, he published the present work in Tbilisi (cf. M. Briefly & O. Antonyuk, Mikola Gulak as a mathematician: Monograph, Lutsk, 2004). In particolar, Hulak’s second book aroused great interest. He published it with a dedication “To the memory of Lobachevsky”. He considered Lobachevsky’s discoveries in non-Euclidean geometry to be of revolutionary importance. The introduction to the book is titled “A Conversation about Space”. Written in the form of a dialogue between the author and his friend “V”, it contains an exchange of thoughts about the theories of Nicolaus Copernicus and Nikolai Lobachevsky. The book, one of the first ever published in this field, deals with synthetic geometry and explores the properties of figures in a four-dimensional space. Hulak invented neologisms for the new concepts he was explaining (such as ‘sphero-sphere’, ‘plano-planes’, ‘prismo-prisms’, ‘pyro-pyramides’, so forth), and was one of the first to systematically treat four-dimensional geometry in a synthetic way, anticipating by decades some of the best-known developments in the West (even though his works remained little known outside certain circles). Hulak also wrote a continuation to the “Attempt at Four-Dimensional Geometry” entitled “Analytical Geometry with Four Dimensions and with Spherical Tetrahedronometry”, but this work remained unpublished. The original manuscript ended up in the collection of Professor I.K. Andronov (cf. I.K. Omelchenko, Gulak, Mykola Ivanovich, in: “Great Ukrainian Encyclopedia”, online; G. Bevz, Mykola Hulak, in: “Mathematics at School”, 2011, no. 9, pp. 46-47). Hulak (pp. 25-26) claims that he had reached his conclusions in 1876, completely independently of Carl Friedrich Zöllner’s Prinzipien einer elektrodynamischer Theorie der Materie (‘Principles of an Electrodynamic Theory of Matter’, 1876): ‘Such a coincidence of my thoughts with those of a renowned scientist can only bring me joy because it confirms that we are both addressing a genuinely advanced issue that aligns with modern science’. During the Soviet era, Hulak was completely forgotten. It is only in recent years that he and his work have been rediscovered. He himself was quite an impressive figure. He was the first Ukrainian orientalist. He spoke Ukrainian, Russian, German, French, Latin, Greek and several Oriental languages (cf. Z.K. Aliyeva, Intelligentsia in linguistic studies and Georgian-Azerbaijani-Ukrainian relations, in: “Scientific notes of the Nizhyn State University named after Mykola Gogol. Series: Philological Sciences”, 2013, 4, pp. 302-308). Roman Ivanychuk’s 1984 historical novel, “The Fourth Dimension”, is dedicated to Hulak and his passion for mathematics. In the afterword to the novel, Ivanychuk writes: “Mykola Ivanovich Hulak was the most active organiser of the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood. He was an outstanding mathematician, lawyer, literary scholar, orientalist, translator and philosopher with encyclopaedic knowledge. He was also a political scientist who knew twenty languages perfectly”. “Interestingly, [the renowned Russian polymath and religious philosopher Pavel] Florensky understood it [the concept of the fourth dimension] not only as time, but also as ‘depth’ -a peculiar quasi-metaphysical depth of reality that should not be confused with depth in a usual, three-dimensional sense, and especially not with perspectival depth. This rather uncommon notion came from a book called An Essay on the Geometry of Four Dimensions. Synthetic Geometry (“Opyt geometrii o chetyrekh izmereniyah. Geometriya sinteticheskaya”, 1877) by a Ukrainian scholar and educator named Nikolai Goulak (alternatively spelled as Mykola Hulak), whose biography Florensky considered writing during his university years. In the introduction, echoing Johann Carl Friedrich Zöllner’s reflections on the non-Euclidian character of cosmic space, Goulak suggested that space in the universe may be most accurately described through Bernhard Riemann’s elliptic geometry and conceived of as a closed ‘sphero-sphere’ (sharo-shar) with constant positive curvature. ‘And having once assumed that our space has constant positive curvature, in all its points, we thus allow the existence of the fourth dimension-depth’, which is ‘imperceptible by our sensory organs, but nevertheless as real as length, width, and height’ (Goulak 1877, 13-14). The following exchange between the author (‘I’) and his fictional interlocutor (‘V’) is particularly instructive: ‘V. All this is wonderful, but I can’t understand what exactly this fourth dimension-depthis, and why isn’t it perceptible by our sensory organs? After all, you said yourself that the direction of depth is as real as the directions of length, width, and height […] I. Indeed, and I even claim that the depth axis is mutually perpendicular to the other axes and makes 90-degree angles with them. V. Well, here’s the point O in space: I will pass through it, in fact or in imagination, three mutually perpendicular axes: length, width, and height, and you pass through this point, mentally, the fourth axis of depth. I. With pleasure. First of all, notice that the depth axis has, like the other three axes, two opposite directions: a positive direction and a negative direction. Consequently, this axis will pass through the point O, and at this point -but only at this one point- will cross our space […] Departing from the point O in the positive direction of the depth axis, we will leave our space and deepen into the sphero-sphere, for which Riemannian space serves as the outer edge. Take a good look at the ex-pression: deepen. So, the direction of the fourth axis lies not to the right or left, not above or below, not at the front or behind the point O, but straight inside it. Following the positive direction of the depth axis, we will finally reach the center of the universe […] (Goulak 1877, 20-21). Further on, to account for the inability of the human senses to perceive this mysterious ‘axis of depth’, Goulak employed a popular explanatory device -the analogy with imaginary sentient inhabitants of two-dimensional space who would have no idea of a higher dimension. ‘Similarly, in our material world of three dimensions, we see and perceive not the very essence of external objects, but only their three-dimensional projection, just as in a picture we see their projection in two dimensions’ (Goulak 1877, 21). In support of this argument, he cited several acclaimed sources, such as Plato’s Republic, Goethe’s Faust, and Louis Claude de Saint-Martin’s Of Errors and Truth (Des erreurs et de la vérité, 1775). But the most important text (referenced even on the cover of the book), where the word ‘depth’ seems to have originated, was a verse from Apostle Paul’s epistle to the Ephesians (3:18). In his article on ‘The Meaning of Idealism’ (Smysl idealisma, 1915), Florensky acknowledged Goulak as the first person to notice this verse (in the geometrical context) and cited it along with several previous ones: ‘I bow my knees before the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ... May He grant you, -writes St. Apostle to the Ephesians,-... to be strengthened with His Spirit in the inner man, and may Christ dwell in your hearts through faith, so that you, being rooted and grounded in love, could comprehend with all the saints what is the breadth and length and depth and height’. Florensky could recall this passage (which directly connects the concept of the ‘inner man’ to four dimensions), and the obscure book on ‘synthetic geometry’ along with it, thanks to the work of Pyotr Ouspensky, the main Russian theorist of the fourth dimension and promoter of Charles Howard Hinton’s ideas. In the conclusion to his Tertium Organum (1911), discussing the words of St. Paul, ‘startling by reason of their mathematical exactness’, Ouspensky remarked that they not merely connect sanctity to knowledge, but imply ‘that sanctity gives a new understanding of space’. Florensky borrowed this idea and, in a way, turned it against Ouspensky: criticizing ‘the methods of distillation of new capabilities’, devised by Hinton and popularized by his Russian counterpart, as ‘unnatural’ and ‘violent’ to the ‘spiritual organism’, he described the fourth dimension as ‘the depth of the world, which can be perceived only by a righteous soul’. This four-dimensional depth, therefore, served as a kind of alternative to the habitual three-dimensional one, which Hermann von Helmholtz had shown to be a psychological phenomenon produced by the so-called ‘unconscious inference’. For Florensky, the latter seems to have represented a by-product of the fallen human mind that lost the capacity to see the world in its original and supertemporal unity. Identifying Goulak’s axis of depth with the axis of time, he explained that, being seen properly, ‘any reality is stretched in the direction of time no less than it is stretched in each of the three directions of space’, which means that it has a certain ‘time depth’ and ‘constitutes some kind of formation of the four-dimensional geometry, i.e. not a body, but a super-body, or, in N.[I.] Goulak’s terminology, body-body [telo-tela]’: ‘Now, any reality extends in four dimensions and is isolated in an image of four dimensions. And time, the fourth coordinate of this image, is organized in it as its own [internal] time […] This time is not an external time, which is the time of lifeless things devoid of strong individuality. And that is why the time of a given image cannot be measured by the time of other images […]: it is necessary either to enter into the proper time of a given image and consider it as a self-contained unity or to ascend by contemplation to an image [of a higher order] that concretely encompasses this image and others […] Then this new image, in relation to those particular images, will act as their common space, with its own special time, i.e. the four-dimensional space, and they, these particular images, in relation to the common image, will be the objects within it, connected between themselves by power and energy interaction’ ” (P. Yushin, The Cover of the Journal Makovets and Pavel Florensky’s World Picture, in: “In anderen Zeiten/In Other Times. Zeitdiskurse im Wandel/Changing Discourses of Time across Human History”, B. Hohenwald, N. Illner & J. Renn, eds., Berlin, 2022, pp. 170-174). We were not able to trace a copy of this book in any public library worldwide.


03.09.2026 - 09:03

18000,- EUR

Govi Rare Books LLC

...

CORVUS, Andreas (Andrea Corvo della Mirandola, 1470-1514). Ein schönes Büchlin der kunst Chiroma[n]tia deß wolgelerte[n] Magistri Andree corui vo[n] Mira[n]dula. Colophon: Strassburg, Johann Grüninger, 1514.

8vo (147x100 mm). [104] leaves. Collation: A-N8. Colophon on l. N8r. Woodcut decorated initials. With overall 168 woodcut illustrations in text including the one on the title page. The woodblocks cover approximately two-thirds of the page. The title woodcut (l. A1r), showing a closed fist surrounded by a floral pattern on a black background, is repeated on l. N7r. At the end of the theoretical section, the illustrated part of the treatise begins on l. C4v with a full-page illustration of a hand, in which the five basic lines, the mountains, and the fingers are named in captions within the image. This is followed on ll. C5r-N7v by 166 woodcuts on a black background depicting hands with various lines and symbols, surrounded by floral patterns. The illustration on l. D4v is the only one not printed on a black background. Next to each woodcut is one or two decorative borders. Below the woodcuts is the letterpress text providing an interpretation of the hand. Right and left hands are shown alternately: on ll. M7v-N4r, two right hands are followed by two left hands. Contemporary half calf over wooden boards, later rebacked, original metal clasp preserved, hardly readable manuscript notes in German and Greek on the front panel. Some light foxing. A very good, genuine copy. Incredibly rare first edition in German, first issue, of which only one copy is recorded at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek of Munich. A second issue, significantly reset and with the addition of two leaves in quire L, was published by Grüninger in 1515 (cf. VD16, C-5543 and J. Benzing, Bibliographie Strasbourgeoise, Baden-Baden, 1981, no. 424). Of the second issue, only two copies are recorded, one at Bibliothèque nationale et universitaire of Strasbourg and the other at the University of Amsterdam (cf. OCLC, 491221309 and 1262642211). G. Sabbatini (Bio-bibliografia chiromantica, Reggio Emilia, 1946, no. 102) mentions a copy of the 1515 issue sold by the Antiquariat J. Halle of Munich in 1934, but doesn’t seem to be aware of the existence of the 1514 issue. In 1514 Grüninger also issued a Latin edition of this text, of which only one copy is know in Bamberg (cf. VD16, ZV-33904). Finally, he published Corvo’s treatise again in 1524 together with Cocles’ Physiognomie. A French edition of the original Latin text and another edition of the text in the French translation by Jehan de Verdellay, both undated, are usually ascribed to the Lyon presses of Jean Pivard or Jean de Vingle, and variably dated between 1500 and 1515. The Lyon Latin edition, in which the hands are also shown against black backgrounds decorated with floral motifs, may not be the first overall of this text, but is considered to have probably served as a model for Grüninger editions. Debated it is also whether the 1513 Venetian edition by Agostino de Zannis may be the first or, as stated by Th. Musper (Das Original des Titelholzschnittes von Andreas Corvos ‘Chiromantia’, in: “Gutenberg-Jahrbuch”, 1944/49, pp. 126-127), the undated Niccolò & Domenico dal Gesù Venice edition was printed before (cf. ISTC, ic00942500; Edit 16, CNCE14018). The Dal Gesù brothers also printed in 1519 the first edition in Italian of the text. The work is dedicated by the author, of whose life very little is known, to Gianfrancesco II Gonzaga (1466-1519), Marquess of Mantua. Corvo’s seems to be the second printed book in German on palmistry after J. Hartlieb’s Buch von der Hand (Augsburg, ca. 1488-1490). Andrea Corvo was born in Carpi around the middle of the 15th century and settled in Mirandola, probably in 1470 when Antonio de’ Corvi da Carpi, possibly his brother-in-law, was appointed provost of the city. Nothing else is known about Corvo’s education or activities, except that he practised palmistry for many years. Neither the place nor the date of his death are known. He is renowned for the present work on palmistry, which establishes him as one of the earliest writers on the subject in Europe. This also suggests that many later writers drew on his work, which puts the accusations made by Bartolomeo della Rocca (also known as Bartholomaeus Cocles), a famous Bolognese astrologer of the time, into perspective. In his Anastasis (1504), Cocles often plays on the name Corvo (‘Raven’) to undermine his originality and accuses him of drawing on other authors without citing them. Cocles himself acknowledges Corvo’s excellence in the practice of palmistry, but states that he is weak and of no value in theory. Moreover, many editions of Corvo’s Chiromantia were printed under Cocles’s name. This generated misunderstanding and cast doubt on the existence of Corvo, who some believed to be a pseudonym for Cocles; others argued that Corvo used the pseudonym Cocles, but this is unlikely given that, as mentioned, Cocles speaks of Corvo in unfriendly terms. Another famous palm reader, Patrizio Tricasso, also criticised him harshly, but controversies between palm readers and astrologers were well known to be frequent. Corvo’s book was placed on the Index by the Church, alongside the works of Cocles, Tricasso, Giovanni da Indagine and Pietro d’Abano. On the other hand, Corvo was defended by Campanella in his Atheismus triumphatus because, in his opinion, palmists merely observe the signs of God in nature, and therefore only fall into sin if they claim to extend those signs to effects with which they have nothing to do. Also Agrippa of Nettesheim ranks Corvo among the most important palmists of his time, while Taisnier says that he excels above all in the graphic demonstration of palm reading. Corvo’s palmistry was specifically practiced for use in medicine and surgery (cf. De Ferrari, Andrea Corvo, in: “Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani”, vol. 29, Rome, 1983, s.v.). H.C. Agrippa di Nettesheim, De incertitudine et vanitate omnium scientiarum et artium liber, [1527], p. 83; J. Taisnier, Opus mathematicum, Cologne, 1562, I, p. 7 and II, pp. 26; C. Gesner, Bibliotheca instituta et collecta, Zürig, 1583, p. 42; T. Campanella, Atheismus triumphatus, Paris, 1636, p. 266; J.J. Manget, Bibliotheca scriptorum medicorum, Geneva, 1731, I, p. 121; G. Tiraboschi, Biblioteca modenese, Modena, 1782-1786, II, p. 191 and VI, p. 98; V. Lancetti, Pseudonomia, Milan, 1836, I, p. 66 and II, p. 359; J.G.T. Graesse, Bibliotheca magica et pneumatica, Leipzig, 1843, pp. 100 and 107; Nouvelle biographie générale, XI, Paris, 1855, col. 17; F. Ceretti, Biografie mirandolesi, in: “Memorie storiche della città e dell’antico ducato della Mirandola”, Mirandola, 1901, I, pp. 189-92; L. Thorndike, A history of magic and experimental science, New York, 1941, V, pp. 55ff., 64ff., 586ff.; VI, pp. 147, 163, 177, and 510; Th. Musper, Das Original des Titelholzschnittes von Andreas Corvo’s ‘Chiromantia’, in: “Gutenberg-Jahrbuch”, 1944/49, pp. 126-127; G. Sabattini, Bio-bibliografia chiromantica, Reggio Emilia, 1946, pp. 25-29; P. Gerlach, Bibliographie von Texten zur Physiognomik, 400 v. Chr.-1999, online. VD16, C-5542; USTC, 646484; Index Aureliensis, 145.698.


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